SIṄGH SABHĀ MOVEMENT, a reform movement among the Sikhs which assuming a critical turn in the seventies of the nineteenth century, became a vitally rejuvenating force at a time when Sikhism was fast losing its distinctive identity. Following closely upon the two successive movements, Niraṅkārī and Nāmdhārī, it was an expression of impulse of the Sikh community to rid itself of the base adulterations and accretions which had been draining away its energy, and to rediscover the sources of its original inspiration. It was, however, quite different from its precursors in source, content and outcome. The Niraṅkārī and Nāmdhārī movements were inspired by individual holy men who, unhappy at the dilution of Sikh doctrine and practice, desired to set right some of the aberrations purely religious in nature, and who ended up in founding their separate sects. The Siṅgh Sabhās, on the other hand, arose out of a common awareness of the danger to the very existence of the Sikhs as a separate religious community. It was led by men deeply religious but with no claims to divine knowledge and no ambitions for exalted priesthood. In contrast with the earlier, exclusively sectarian cults, the Siṅgh Sabhā movement possessed a mass appeal and base. It influenced the entire community and reorientated its outlook and spirit. The stimulus it provided has shaped the Sikhs' attitude and aspiration over the past more than one hundred years.

        The Christian missionary activity commenced in the Punjab along with the advent of the British rule. Even while Raṇjīt Siṅgh ruled in Lahore, an American Presbyterian Mission had been set up at Ludhiāṇā close to the Sikh frontier. With the abrogation of Sikh rule in 1849, the Ludhiāṇā Mission extended its work to Lahore. Amritsar, the headquarters of the Sikh faith, became another major seat of Church enterprise with branches at Tarn Tāran, Ajnālā and Jaṇḍiālā. The United Presbyterian Mission was active in Siālkoṭ. Other organizations, notably the Cambridge Mission, the Baptist Mission and the Church of Scotland, entered the field and were amply rewarded with converts, mostly from the lowest stratum of society. The rate of conversion was not alarmingly high. Yet there were instances which aroused community's concern. In 1853, Mahārājā Duleep Siṅgh, the last Sikh sovereign, who had come under British tutelage at the tender age of eight, accepted the Christian faith ---a conversion hailed as "the first instance of the accession of an Indian prince to the cummunion of the Church." The Sikh ruler of Kapūrthalā invited the Ludhiāṇā Mission to set up a station in his capital, and provided funds for its maintenance. A few years later the Kapūrthalā ruler's nephew, Kaṅvar Harnām Siṅgh, converted a Christian. The Ludhiāṇā Mission noted in its annual report for 1862 : "Until the Rajah of Kapūrthalā invited missionaries to his capital no instance had occurred in India in which the progress of the Gospel had been fostered by a ruler."

        The Sikh faith and acclesiastical polity is rapidly going where the Sikh political ascendancy has already gone. Of the two elements of the old Khalsa, namely, the followers of Nanuck, the first prophet, and the followers of Guru Govind Singh, the second great religious leader, the former will hold their ground, and the latter will lose it. The Sikhs of Nanuck, a comparatively small body of peaceful habits and old family, will perhaps cling to the faith of their elders; but the Sikhs of Govind who are of more recent origin, who are more specially styled the Singhs or "Lions", and who embraced the faith as being the religion of warfare and conquest, no longer regard the Khalsa now that the prestige has departed from it.

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        This circumstance strongly corroborates what is commonly believed, namely that the Sikh tribe is losing its numbers rapidly. Modern Sikhism was little more than a political association (formed exclusively from among Hindus), which men would join or quit according to the circumstances of the day. A person is not born Sikh, as he might be born a Muhammadan or born a Hindu; but he must be specially initiated into Sikhism. Now that the Sikh commonwealth is broken up, people cease to be initiated into Sikhism and revert to Hinduism. Such is the undoubted explanation of a statistical fact, which might otherwise appear to be hardly credible.

਍㰀瀀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀㰀⼀戀氀漀挀欀焀甀漀琀攀㸀㰀⼀瀀㸀ഀഀ

        The resulting cultural upheaval affected the Sikhs from 1860 onward. Despite their early education in gurdwārā schools or through instruction by giānīs (Sikhs learned in religious lore) or local teachers, an emerging Sikh intelligentsia began to study western subjects and joined in associations that discussed religious and social issues. In Lahore, for example, several Sikhs were members of Dr. G.W. Leitner's orientalist Añjuman-i-Punjab, set up in 1865, where they became skilled at literary criticism and debate over historical issues. Debates were held on whether Urdu or Hindi was the more appropriate language to replace Persian as official language. Punjabi in Gurmukhī script was ignored even by the Punjab Education Department as a mere dialect without a written literature. The Oriental College established at Lahore in 1864 to encourage oriental studies had courses in Sanskrit, Urdu and Persian but not in Punjabi. Some Sikh members of Añjuman-i-Punjab like Rājā Harbaṅs Siṅgh and Rāi Mūl Siṅgh pleaded the cause of Punjabi but without success until Sardār Attar Siṅgh of Bhadauṛ presented a list of 389 books written on different subjects in Gurmukhī script and collected in his personal Library. Dr. Leitner was convinced and he not only introduced Punjabi as a subject in the Oriental College but also got it introduced in the Pañjāb University of which he was the first Registrar; but that was later in 1877.

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        In 1877, Punjabi was introduced in the Oriental College. Bhāī Harsā Siṅgh, a granthī of Darbār Sāhib, Tarn Tāran, was the first teacher and Bhāī Gurmukh Siṅgh, who was later to be one of the central figures of the Siṅgh Sabhā movement, one of the first batch of students. Bhāī Gurmukh Siṅgh after completion of his own course, was appointed to teach Punjabi and Mathematics in the Pañjāb University College. He got some leading Sikh citizens of Lahore, such as Dīwān Būṭā Siṅgh and Sardār Mehar Siṅgh Chāwlā, interested in the Siṅgh Sabhā work. As a result Srī Gurū Siṅgh Sabhā, Lahore, was set up on 2 November 1879. It started holding weekly meetings. Dīwān Būṭā Siṅgh as president, Bhāī (also known as Professor) Gurmukh Siṅgh as secretary and Bhāī Harsā Siṅgh, Rām Siṅgh and Karam Siṅgh as members formed its working committee. The movement picked up momentum and Siṅgh Sabhās appeared at many places not only in the Punjab but also in several other parts of India and abroad from London in the west to Shanghai (China) in the East.

਍㰀瀀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 匀愀戀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䜀攀渀攀爀愀氀 ⠀爀攀渀愀洀攀搀 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䐀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 猀漀漀渀 愀昀琀攀爀⤀ 眀愀猀 猀攀琀 甀瀀 漀渀 ㄀㄀ 䄀瀀爀椀氀 ㄀㠀㠀　Ⰰ 愀猀 愀 挀漀漀爀搀椀渀愀琀椀渀最 戀漀搀礀 愀琀 䄀洀爀椀琀猀愀爀⸀ 刀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀樀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䈀椀欀爀愀洀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 漀昀 䘀愀爀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀搀欀漀☀⌀㜀㜀㠀㤀 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 䰀椀攀甀琀ⴀ䜀漀瘀攀爀渀漀爀 漀昀 倀甀渀樀愀戀 眀攀爀攀 椀琀猀 瀀愀琀爀漀渀猀Ⰰ 䈀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀戀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䬀栀攀洀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 䈀攀搀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀Ⰰ 匀愀爀搀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀爀 䴀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 㰀椀㸀猀愀爀戀愀爀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀栀㰀⼀椀㸀 漀爀 洀愀渀愀最攀爀 漀昀 䐀愀爀戀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀爀 匀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀栀椀戀Ⰰ 瘀椀挀攀ⴀ瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀Ⰰ 䈀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 䜀甀爀洀甀欀栀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 漀昀 䰀愀栀漀爀攀 挀栀椀攀昀 猀攀挀爀攀琀愀爀礀 愀渀搀 䈀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 䜀愀渀攀猀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 猀攀挀爀攀琀愀爀礀⸀ 吀栀攀 䐀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 漀瀀攀渀攀搀 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 猀挀栀漀漀氀猀 昀漀爀 最攀渀攀爀愀氀 攀搀甀挀愀琀椀漀渀 愀渀搀 昀氀漀愀琀攀搀 瀀愀瀀攀爀猀 愀渀搀 瀀攀爀椀漀搀椀挀愀氀猀 琀漀 瀀爀漀瀀愀最愀琀攀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 匀愀戀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 椀搀攀漀氀漀最礀 愀猀 眀攀氀氀 愀猀 椀琀猀 爀攀氀椀最椀漀甀猀 愀挀琀椀瘀椀琀椀攀猀⸀ 䈀甀琀 椀搀攀漀氀漀最椀挀愀氀 搀椀昀昀攀爀攀渀挀攀猀 猀漀漀渀 愀爀漀猀攀 戀攀琀眀攀攀渀 琀栀攀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 挀栀椀攀昀 猀攀挀爀攀琀愀爀礀⸀ 吀栀攀 昀漀爀洀攀爀Ⰰ 猀甀瀀瀀漀爀琀攀搀 戀礀 琀栀攀 瀀爀椀攀猀琀氀礀 挀氀愀猀猀Ⰰ 挀漀渀猀椀搀攀爀攀搀 匀椀欀栀猀 愀猀 愀 瀀愀爀琀 漀昀 琀栀攀 䠀椀渀搀甀 挀漀洀洀甀渀椀琀礀 愀渀搀 搀椀搀 渀漀琀 昀愀瘀漀甀爀 愀 琀漀琀愀氀 戀爀攀愀欀 眀椀琀栀 漀氀搀 攀猀琀愀戀氀椀猀栀攀搀 猀漀挀椀愀氀 挀甀猀琀漀洀猀 愀渀搀 瀀爀愀挀琀椀挀攀猀⸀ 䠀椀洀猀攀氀昀 戀攀椀渀最 愀 搀椀爀攀挀琀 搀攀猀挀攀渀搀愀渀琀 漀昀 䜀甀爀☀⌀㌀㘀㌀ 一☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀愀欀Ⰰ 栀攀 挀氀愀椀洀攀搀 猀瀀攀挀椀愀氀 瀀漀猀椀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 爀攀瘀攀爀攀渀挀攀 昀漀爀 栀椀洀猀攀氀昀 愀猀 眀攀氀氀 愀猀 昀漀爀 愀氀氀 洀攀洀戀攀爀猀 漀昀 挀氀愀渀猀 琀漀 眀栀椀挀栀 琀栀攀 䜀甀爀☀⌀㌀㘀㌀猀 栀愀搀 戀攀氀漀渀最攀搀⸀ 䈀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 䜀甀爀洀甀欀栀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀Ⰰ 漀渀 琀栀攀 漀琀栀攀爀 栀愀渀搀Ⰰ 眀愀猀 愀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 爀攀昀漀爀洀椀猀琀 戀攀氀椀攀瘀椀渀最 匀椀欀栀椀猀洀 琀漀 戀攀 愀 猀攀瀀愀爀愀琀攀 猀漀瘀攀爀攀椀最渀 爀攀氀椀最椀漀渀 栀愀瘀椀渀最 攀焀甀愀氀椀琀礀 漀昀 愀氀氀 戀攀氀椀攀瘀攀爀猀 眀椀琀栀漀甀琀 搀椀猀琀椀渀挀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 挀愀猀琀攀 漀爀 猀琀愀琀甀猀 愀猀 椀琀猀 戀愀猀椀挀 猀漀挀椀愀氀 挀爀攀攀搀⸀ 吀栀攀 爀攀猀甀氀琀 眀愀猀 琀栀攀 猀攀琀琀椀渀最 甀瀀 漀昀 愀 猀攀瀀愀爀愀琀攀 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䐀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀Ⰰ 䰀愀栀漀爀攀Ⰰ 漀渀 ㄀　ⴀ㄀㄀ 䄀瀀爀椀氀 ㄀㠀㠀㘀 甀渀搀攀爀 琀栀攀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀猀栀椀瀀 漀昀 匀愀爀搀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀爀 䄀琀琀愀爀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 䈀栀愀搀愀甀☀⌀㜀㜀㜀㄀ 眀椀琀栀 倀爀漀昀攀猀猀漀爀 䜀甀爀洀甀欀栀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 愀猀 猀攀挀爀攀琀愀爀礀⸀ 吀栀攀 䄀洀爀椀琀猀愀爀 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䐀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 爀攀ⴀ漀爀最愀渀椀稀攀搀 椀琀猀攀氀昀 愀猀 愀 戀椀挀愀洀攀爀愀氀 戀漀搀礀 挀漀渀猀椀猀琀椀渀最 漀昀 䴀愀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 䬀栀愀☀⌀㜀㜀㔀㄀☀⌀㜀㘀㤀㌀ 挀漀洀瀀爀椀猀椀渀最 琀栀攀 愀爀椀猀琀漀挀爀愀挀礀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 匀愀洀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 䬀栀愀☀⌀㜀㜀㔀㄀☀⌀㜀㘀㤀㌀ 爀攀瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀椀渀最 琀栀攀 挀漀洀洀漀渀愀氀琀礀 漀昀 戀攀氀椀攀瘀攀爀猀 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 瀀爀椀攀猀琀氀礀 挀氀愀猀猀⸀ 匀漀洀攀 猀洀愀氀氀攀爀 漀爀最愀渀椀稀愀琀椀漀渀猀 眀攀爀攀 愀氀猀漀 愀挀琀椀瘀攀 昀漀爀 愀挀栀椀攀瘀椀渀最 琀栀攀 愀椀洀猀 漀昀 琀栀攀 洀漀瘀攀洀攀渀琀⸀ 䜀甀爀洀愀琀 䜀爀愀渀琀栀 倀爀愀挀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀爀愀欀 匀愀戀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀Ⰰ 䄀洀爀椀琀猀愀爀Ⰰ 攀猀琀愀戀氀椀猀栀攀搀 漀渀 㠀 䄀瀀爀椀氀 ㄀㠀㠀㔀 眀愀猀 攀渀最愀最攀搀 椀渀 爀攀猀攀愀爀挀栀 愀渀搀 瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 戀漀漀欀猀 漀渀 椀搀攀漀氀漀最椀挀愀氀 愀渀搀 栀椀猀琀漀爀椀挀愀氀 琀漀瀀椀挀猀⸀ 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 吀爀愀挀琀 匀漀挀椀攀琀礀 挀愀洀攀 椀渀琀漀 攀砀椀猀琀攀渀挀攀 琀栀爀漀甀最栀 琀栀攀 攀昀昀漀爀琀猀 漀昀 䈀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 嘀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀爀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 椀渀 ㄀㠀㤀㐀⸀ 匀栀甀搀搀栀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 匀愀戀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 昀漀爀 挀漀渀瘀攀爀猀椀漀渀猀 愀渀搀 爀攀挀漀渀瘀攀爀猀椀漀渀猀 椀渀琀漀 匀椀欀栀椀猀洀 眀愀猀 昀漀甀渀搀攀搀 椀渀 䄀瀀爀椀氀 ㄀㠀㤀㌀ 戀礀 䐀爀⸀ 䨀愀椀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀⸀ 䄀洀漀渀最 琀栀攀 氀漀挀愀氀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 匀愀戀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀猀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 漀渀攀 愀琀 䈀栀愀猀愀甀☀⌀㜀㜀㜀㄀ 眀愀猀 琀栀攀 洀漀猀琀 愀挀琀椀瘀攀 甀渀搀攀爀 椀琀猀 氀攀愀搀椀渀最 氀椀最栀琀Ⰰ 䈀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀戀☀⌀㌀㘀㌀ 吀攀樀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀⸀ 䄀洀漀渀最 椀渀搀椀瘀椀搀甀愀氀 猀挀栀漀氀愀爀猀Ⰰ 䜀椀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 䜀椀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 栀椀猀琀漀爀椀愀渀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 倀愀☀⌀㜀㜀㔀㄀☀⌀㜀㘀㤀㌀椀琀 吀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀爀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 一愀爀漀琀愀洀 眀攀爀攀 琀栀攀 洀漀猀琀 瀀爀漀洀椀渀攀渀琀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀ഀഀ

        Both the Dīwāns, despite mutual bickerings and even litigation, worked for the same aims with the same programmes, but the Khālsā Dīwān Lahore soon stole a march over its rival in popularity by virtue of its progressivism and the total dedication and hard work of Bhāī Gurmukh Siṅgh who had enlisted the help of two other colleagues, equally dedicated and industrious. They were Giānī Ditt Siṅgh and Bhāī Jawāhir Siṅgh Kapūr. The former as editor of and chief contributor to the Dīwān's weekly newspaper, the Khālsā Akhbār, made it a forceful medium for the propagation of the Dīwān's ideology. Giving his judgement in a defamation case against Giānī Ditt Siṅgh the district judge of Lahore, R.L. Harris, observed in February 1888 that

਍㰀瀀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀⠀愀⤀ ऀ吀栀攀 䰀愀栀漀爀攀 昀愀挀琀椀漀渀 栀愀搀 愀戀漀甀琀 ㌀　 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 匀愀戀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀猀 愀琀琀愀挀栀攀搀 琀漀 椀琀Ⰰ 眀栀椀氀攀 琀栀攀 䄀洀爀椀琀猀愀爀 昀愀挀琀椀漀渀 栀愀搀 愀戀漀甀琀 猀椀砀 漀爀 猀攀瘀攀渀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 匀愀戀栀愀猀 椀渀挀氀甀搀椀渀最 刀愀眀愀氀瀀椀渀搀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀Ⰰ 䘀攀爀漀稀攀瀀漀爀攀 愀渀搀 䘀愀爀椀搀欀漀琀㰀⼀瀀㸀ഀഀ

        (b) The Lahore party comprised enlightened educated men who are freeing themselves from the thraldom of priesthood by seeking to purge their religion of all the grossness that has clung to it by the devices of the priestly class... represented by the Bedi Guru or Sodhi class... their opponents are naturally the priestly class who would like, if possible, to maintain their sway over the conscience of men, though it might be at the expense of the true spiritual and religious growth; and so we find Bedi Khem Siṅgh, as the head of the priestly class, in league with Raja of Faridkot, opposing and trying to stifle the spirit of reformation.

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        Another bone of contention between the two Dīwāns was of relatively less importance. Both had been convassing government's support for the opening of a Khālsā College. Khālsā Dīwān Amritsar had mooted the suggestion as early as 1883 but inter-Dīwān disputes hindered progress. Ultimately when Khālsā Dīvān Lahore succeeded in enlisting the support of the government as well as of the Sikh aristocracy, and an establishment committee was set up in 1890 under the chairmanship of the Director, Public Instruction, Punjab, Colonel W.R.M. Holroyd, succeeded the following year by Dr W.H. Rattigan, with Sardār Attar Siṅgh Bhadauṛ as vice-chairman and W. Bell of the Government College, Lahore, as secretary, there was wrangling over the location of the college. At last the protagonists of Amritsar won the day and the foundation of the college was laid by the Lieut-Governor of the Punjab on 5 March 1892.

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        For over a decade, the Chief Khālsā Dīwān consolidated its position and had remarkable success at fostering Sikh identity and strengthening Sikh institutions. From 1914 onward, however, the organization began to lose its hold on and popularity with the Sikh masses. Loyalty to the government in order to seek favours for the community was one of the bases of the strategy of the Dīwān as had been the case with the old Khālsā Dīwāns of Lahore and Amritsar, but the climate in the country had started changing since the advent of the twentieth century so that the pro-government policy of the Chief Khālsā Dīwān became increasingly suspect in view of its soft stance during the peasant unrest of 1906-07 and the Rikābgañj agitation in 1914, open denunciation of the Ghadar activists (1915-16), and over-enthusiasm for Sikh recruitment bordering on virtual conscription during the Great War (1914-18).

਍㰀瀀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀䴀漀爀攀漀瘀攀爀Ⰰ 愀氀琀栀漀甀最栀 琀栀攀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 匀愀戀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 洀漀瘀攀洀攀渀琀 栀愀搀 搀漀渀攀 愀 琀爀攀洀攀渀搀漀甀猀 氀漀琀 琀漀 爀攀瘀椀琀愀氀椀稀攀 琀栀攀 爀攀氀椀最椀漀甀猀 猀瀀椀爀椀琀 漀昀 琀栀攀 匀椀欀栀猀Ⰰ 椀琀 栀愀搀 搀漀渀攀 瀀爀攀挀椀漀甀猀 氀椀琀琀氀攀 琀漀 挀氀攀愀渀猀攀 琀栀攀 爀漀琀 琀栀愀琀 栀愀搀 猀攀琀 椀渀 琀栀攀 匀椀欀栀 爀攀氀椀最椀漀甀猀 瀀氀愀挀攀猀⸀ 圀栀椀氀攀 琀栀攀 洀愀猀猀攀猀Ⰰ 渀漀眀 戀攀琀琀攀爀 愀眀愀爀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀椀爀 琀爀甀攀 爀攀氀椀最椀漀甀猀 瀀愀猀琀Ⰰ 眀攀爀攀 戀攀挀漀洀椀渀最 洀漀爀攀 愀渀搀 洀漀爀攀 椀洀瀀愀琀椀攀渀琀 漀昀 琀栀攀 洀愀渀愀最攀洀攀渀琀 漀昀 㰀椀㸀最甀爀搀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀爀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀猀㰀⼀椀㸀 甀渀搀攀爀 愀 挀漀爀爀甀瀀琀 愀渀搀 搀攀最攀渀攀爀愀琀攀 瀀爀椀攀猀琀栀漀漀搀 猀攀挀甀爀攀 甀渀搀攀爀 氀攀最愀氀 瀀爀漀琀攀挀琀椀漀渀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 䌀栀椀攀昀 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䐀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 挀漀渀琀椀渀甀攀搀 琀漀 瀀甀爀猀甀攀 琀栀攀 瀀愀琀栀 漀昀 栀攀氀瀀氀攀猀猀 椀渀愀挀琀椀瘀椀琀礀 昀漀爀 昀攀愀爀 漀昀 䈀爀椀琀椀猀栀 搀椀猀瀀氀攀愀猀甀爀攀⸀ 䄀 猀椀渀最氀攀 椀渀猀琀愀渀挀攀 眀椀氀氀 椀氀氀甀猀琀爀愀琀攀 琀栀攀 瀀漀椀渀琀⸀ 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䐀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 䴀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀樀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀Ⰰ 漀渀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀 猀攀瘀攀爀愀氀 爀攀最椀漀渀愀氀 漀爀最愀渀椀稀愀琀椀漀渀猀 昀漀爀 洀愀渀愀最攀洀攀渀琀 爀攀昀漀爀洀 椀渀 爀攀氀椀最椀漀甀猀 瀀氀愀挀攀猀 栀愀搀 戀攀攀渀 攀猀琀愀戀氀椀猀栀攀搀 椀渀 ㄀㤀　㐀⸀ 吀栀攀 䌀栀椀攀昀 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䐀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀Ⰰ 瀀氀攀愀搀椀渀最 倀愀渀琀栀椀挀 甀渀椀琀礀Ⰰ 愀猀欀攀搀 椀琀 琀漀 愀昀昀椀氀椀愀琀攀 眀椀琀栀 琀栀攀 挀攀渀琀爀愀氀 戀漀搀礀⸀ 䤀琀 漀戀攀礀攀搀㬀 戀甀琀 眀愀琀挀栀椀渀最 椀洀瀀愀琀椀攀渀琀氀礀 漀瘀攀爀 琀栀攀 礀攀愀爀猀 琀栀攀 椀渀搀椀昀昀攀爀攀渀挀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀 挀攀渀琀爀愀氀 氀攀愀搀攀爀猀栀椀瀀Ⰰ 椀琀 爀攀瘀椀瘀攀搀 椀琀猀攀氀昀 愀猀 愀渀 椀渀搀攀瀀攀渀搀攀渀琀 戀漀搀礀 椀渀 䴀愀爀挀栀 ㄀㤀㄀㤀⸀ 䄀 昀攀眀 搀愀礀猀 氀愀琀攀爀Ⰰ 漀渀 ㄀㌀ 䄀瀀爀椀氀 ㄀㤀㄀㤀Ⰰ 漀挀挀甀爀爀攀搀 琀栀攀 䨀愀氀氀椀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀瘀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䈀愀㰀甀㸀最栀㰀⼀甀㸀 洀愀猀猀愀挀爀攀 眀栀椀挀栀 爀愀搀椀挀愀氀氀礀 挀栀愀渀最攀搀 琀栀攀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀愀氀 愀猀 眀攀氀氀 愀猀 爀攀氀椀最椀漀甀猀 猀挀攀渀愀爀椀漀 椀渀 眀栀椀挀栀 琀栀攀 䌀栀椀攀昀 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䐀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 戀攀挀愀洀攀 瀀爀愀挀琀椀挀愀氀氀礀 椀爀爀攀氀攀瘀愀渀琀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 挀攀渀琀爀愀氀 猀琀愀最攀 眀愀猀 漀挀挀甀瀀椀攀搀 戀礀 琀栀攀 䜀甀爀搀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀爀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 刀攀昀漀爀洀 洀漀瘀攀洀攀渀琀⸀ 吀栀攀 䌀栀椀攀昀 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䐀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 椀猀Ⰰ 栀漀眀攀瘀攀爀Ⰰ 猀琀椀氀氀 愀挀琀椀瘀攀Ⰰ 攀猀瀀攀挀椀愀氀氀礀 椀渀 琀栀攀 攀搀甀挀愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 昀椀攀氀搀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 攀渀樀漀礀猀 琀栀攀 愀昀昀椀氀椀愀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 愀 氀愀爀最攀 渀甀洀戀攀爀 漀昀 氀漀挀愀氀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 匀愀戀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀ഀഀ

        The main motivation of the Siṅgh Sabhā movement was search for Sikh identity and self-assertion. The entire period can be interpreted and understood in terms of this central concern. Under this Siṅgh Sabhā impulse, new powers of regeneration came into effect and Sikhism was reclaimed from a state of utter ossification and inertia. Its moral force and dynamic vitality were rediscovered. The Sikh mind was stirred by a process of liberation and it began to look upon its history and tradition with a clear, self-discerning eye. What had become effete and decrepit and what was reckoned to be against the Gurūs' teachings was rejected. The purity of Sikh precept and practice was sought to be restored. Rites and customs considered consistent with Sikh doctrine and tradition were established. For some, legal sanction was secured through government legislation. This period of fecundation of the spirit and of modern development also witnessed the emergence of new cultural and political aspirations. Literary and educational processes were renovated. Through a strong political platform, the Sikhs sought to secure recognition for themselves.

਍㰀瀀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀吀栀攀 洀漀猀琀 椀洀瀀漀爀琀愀渀琀 愀猀瀀攀挀琀猀 漀昀 琀栀攀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 匀愀戀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 洀漀瘀攀洀攀渀琀 眀攀爀攀 攀搀甀挀愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 愀渀搀 氀椀琀攀爀愀爀礀⸀ 䈀礀 ㄀㤀　　Ⰰ 漀爀瀀栀愀渀愀最攀猀Ⰰ 愀 猀礀猀琀攀洀 漀昀 匀椀欀栀 猀挀栀漀漀氀猀Ⰰ 椀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀猀 昀漀爀 琀爀愀椀渀椀渀最 瀀爀攀愀挀栀攀爀猀 愀渀搀 㰀椀㸀最爀愀渀琀栀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀猀㰀⼀椀㸀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 漀琀栀攀爀 猀攀氀昀ⴀ猀琀爀攀渀最琀栀攀渀椀渀最 攀昀昀漀爀琀猀 最愀椀渀攀搀 戀爀漀愀搀 猀甀瀀瀀漀爀琀 昀爀漀洀 匀椀欀栀猀 椀渀 琀栀攀 倀甀渀樀愀戀 愀渀搀Ⰰ 攀猀瀀攀挀椀愀氀氀礀Ⰰ 洀椀最爀愀渀琀 挀漀洀洀甀渀椀琀椀攀猀 愀戀爀漀愀搀⸀ 䤀渀 渀漀爀琀栀眀攀猀琀 倀甀渀樀愀戀 䈀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀戀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䬀栀攀洀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 䈀攀搀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 琀漀漀欀 愀 瀀爀漀洀椀渀攀渀琀 瀀愀爀琀 椀渀 戀甀椀氀搀椀渀最 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 猀挀栀漀漀氀猀⸀ 匀椀欀栀 猀挀栀漀漀氀猀 眀攀爀攀 愀氀猀漀 戀甀椀氀琀 椀渀 䄀洀爀椀琀猀愀爀Ⰰ 䰀愀栀漀爀攀Ⰰ 䘀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀爀漀稀瀀甀爀 愀渀搀 椀渀 猀漀洀攀 瘀椀氀氀愀最攀猀 猀甀挀栀 愀猀 䬀愀椀爀漀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀Ⰰ 䜀栀愀爀樀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀欀栀Ⰰ 䌀栀☀⌀㌀㘀㌀栀愀☀⌀㜀㜀㜀㄀ 䌀栀愀欀欀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 䈀栀愀猀愀甀☀⌀㜀㜀㜀㄀⸀ 伀渀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀 戀攀猀琀 欀渀漀眀渀 椀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀猀 眀愀猀 琀栀攀 匀椀欀栀 䬀愀渀礀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䴀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 嘀椀搀礀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀愀礀愀 漀昀 䘀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀爀漀稀瀀甀爀 昀漀甀渀搀攀搀 戀礀 䈀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 吀愀㰀甀㸀欀栀㰀⼀甀㸀琀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀⸀ 吀栀攀 琀攀愀挀栀椀渀最 漀昀 䜀甀爀洀甀欀栀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 愀渀搀 匀椀欀栀 猀挀爀椀瀀琀甀爀攀猀 眀愀猀 挀漀洀瀀甀氀猀漀爀礀 椀渀 琀栀攀猀攀 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 猀挀栀漀漀氀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀ഀഀ

        The impetus given to education in its turn stimulated the publication of books, magazines, tracts ; and newspapers. The earliest venture in Punjabi journalism was the Lahore Khālsā Dīwān's Punjabi weekly Khālsā Akhbār. In 1899, the Khālsā Samāchār was founded and soon became the leading theological journal of the community. Its circulation increased under the editorship of Bhāī Vīr Siṅgh, who rose to prominence as a novelist, poet and commentator of scriptural writings. The Khālsā Advocate (English) later became the Spokesman of the Chief Khālsā Dīwān.

਍㰀瀀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀☀渀戀猀瀀㬀䄀 氀愀爀最攀 渀甀洀戀攀爀 漀昀 戀漀漀欀猀 漀渀 匀椀欀栀椀猀洀Ⰰ 戀漀琀栀 椀渀 䜀甀爀洀甀欀栀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 愀渀搀 䔀渀最氀椀猀栀Ⰰ 眀攀爀攀 瀀甀戀氀椀猀栀攀搀⸀ 伀昀 琀栀攀 䜀甀爀洀甀欀栀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀Ⰰ 䜀椀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀 䜀椀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀✀猀 㰀椀㸀倀愀渀琀栀 倀爀愀欀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀猀栀㰀⼀椀㸀 愀渀搀 㰀椀㸀吀眀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀爀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀㰀甀㸀欀栀㰀⼀甀㸀 䜀甀爀☀⌀㌀㘀㌀ 㰀甀㸀䬀栀㰀⼀甀㸀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀氀猀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀㰀⼀椀㸀 愀渀搀 䬀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀栀渀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀✀猀 瘀漀氀甀洀椀渀漀甀猀 攀渀挀礀挀氀漀瀀愀攀搀椀愀 漀昀 匀椀欀栀 氀椀琀攀爀愀琀甀爀攀 ⠀㰀椀㸀䜀甀爀甀猀栀愀戀愀搀 刀愀琀愀渀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀欀愀爀 䴀愀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀 䬀漀猀栀㰀⼀椀㸀⤀ 眀攀爀攀 漀昀 氀愀猀琀椀渀最 猀椀最渀椀昀椀挀愀渀挀攀⸀ 䴀愀砀 䄀爀琀栀甀爀 䴀愀挀愀甀氀椀昀昀攀✀猀 洀漀渀甀洀攀渀琀愀氀 眀漀爀欀 漀渀 琀栀攀 氀椀昀攀 愀渀搀 琀攀愀挀栀椀渀最猀 漀昀 琀栀攀 匀椀欀栀 䜀甀爀☀⌀㌀㘀㌀猀 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 㰀椀㸀䘀愀爀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀搀欀漀☀⌀㜀㜀㠀㤀 ☀⌀㜀㜀㠀㤀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀欀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀㰀⼀椀㸀Ⰰ 愀渀 攀砀攀最攀猀椀猀 漀昀 琀栀攀 攀渀琀椀爀攀 䜀甀爀☀⌀㌀㘀㌀ 䜀爀愀渀琀栀 匀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀栀椀戀Ⰰ 眀攀爀攀 愀氀猀漀 瀀甀戀氀椀猀栀攀搀 搀甀爀椀渀最 琀栀椀猀 琀椀洀攀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀ഀഀ

        The Siṅgh Sabhā movement checked the relapse of the Sikhs into Hinduism. Large number of Hindus of northern and western Punjab and Sindh became sahajdhārī Sikhs and the sahajdhārīs were encouraged to become the Khālsā.

਍㰀⼀昀漀渀琀㸀ഀഀ

਍䈀䤀䈀䰀䤀伀䜀刀䄀倀䠀夀㰀瀀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀㰀漀氀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀㰀氀椀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀 䨀愀最樀☀⌀㈀㤀㤀琀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀Ⰰ 㰀椀㸀匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 匀愀戀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䰀愀栀椀爀㰀⼀椀㸀⸀ 䰀甀搀栀椀愀渀愀Ⰰ ㄀㤀㜀㐀㰀䈀刀㸀ഀഀ

Ashok, S.S., Pañjāb dīāṅ Lahirāṅ. Patiala, 1974
਍㰀氀椀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀 䜀愀渀搀愀 匀椀渀最栀 ⠀攀搀⸀⤀Ⰰ ∀吀栀攀 匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 匀愀戀栀愀 愀渀搀 漀琀栀攀爀 匀漀挀椀漀ⴀ刀攀氀椀最椀漀甀猀 䴀漀瘀攀洀攀渀琀猀 椀渀 琀栀攀 倀甀渀樀愀戀∀ 椀渀 㰀椀㸀吀栀攀 倀甀渀樀愀戀 㨀 ㄀㠀㔀　ⴀ㄀㤀㈀㔀㰀⼀椀㸀㰀䈀刀㸀ഀഀ

Harbans Singh, The Heritage of the Sikhs. Delhi, 1983
਍㰀氀椀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀 䌀栀愀渀搀栀愀爀Ⰰ 䜀甀爀洀甀欀栀 匀椀渀最栀Ⰰ 㰀椀㸀䴀礀 䄀琀琀攀洀瀀琀攀搀 䔀砀挀漀洀洀甀渀椀挀愀琀椀漀渀㰀⼀椀㸀⸀ 䰀愀栀漀爀攀Ⰰ ㄀㠀㤀㠀㰀䈀刀㸀ഀഀ

Barrier, N.G., Sikhs and their Literature, Delhi, 1970
਍㰀氀椀 挀氀愀猀猀㴀∀䌀㄀∀㸀 䜀甀爀洀甀欀栀 匀椀渀最栀Ⰰ 䴀愀樀漀爀Ⰰ ∀匀椀☀⌀㜀㜀㐀㤀最栀 匀愀戀栀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀 䰀愀栀椀爀∀ 椀渀 㰀椀㸀一☀⌀㈀㔀㜀渀愀欀 倀爀愀欀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀猀栀 倀愀琀爀椀欀☀⌀㈀㔀㜀㰀⼀椀㸀⸀ 倀愀琀椀愀氀愀Ⰰ 䐀攀挀⸀ ㄀㤀㠀㠀㰀䈀刀㸀ഀഀ

N. G. Barrier
Nāzar Siṅgh

਍㰀⼀昀漀渀琀㸀㰀椀洀最 猀爀挀㴀∀挀漀甀渀琀攀爀⸀愀猀瀀砀∀ 眀椀搀琀栀㴀∀㄀瀀砀∀ 栀攀椀最栀琀㴀∀㄀瀀砀∀ 愀氀琀㴀∀∀㸀㰀⼀䠀吀䴀䰀㸀㰀⼀䈀伀䐀夀㸀ഀഀ